Julio Andreotti, the great weaver
Published on Monday on April 20 2009 in England of "The Guardian"
Translation and publication in Italian to care of Italy From abroad
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Julio Andreotti, you are turned President of the Advice of the Ministers, he said once that “the power wears the one who has not him to us”. The report of his political career in the masterpiece of Paolo Sorrentino, “The Star”, the perspective of losing the power own Don Julio has almost destroyed.

The film has been an unexpected success be for the criticism than for the cinematographic public. On the one hand it is a tracking shot long the notes of the scandals of the First Republic, sunk under the overwhelming weight of the tangents and of the corruption at all the government levels during the scandals of tangentopoli in the first years ‘90. The most lasting figure of the Italian politics between 1946 and 1992 has been an Andreotti, which had more than 40 ministerial tasks as well as his six mandates like President of the Advice to Palace Chigi. La più duratura figura della politica italiana tra il 1946 e 1992 è stata Andreotti, il quale ebbe più di 40 incarichi ministeriali oltre ai suoi sei mandati come Presidente del Consiglio a Palazzo Chigi.

Now he is 90 years old and sits still in Parliament to Rome like senator at life, even though it has been under process for association of the Mafia and to have organised the killing of a journalist. His presence, a crossing between the ghost of Banquo and Joker di Jack Nicholson, infests the Italian political life. His aphorism on the power is the indication to understand this man and the political culture of his Country, and is also the indication in order that the success understands of this film. He is a brilliant test on the power of the conspiracy in a country in whom she has become a shape of art. The theme of the trust and of the deceit is universal, and is for this for that the film travels well, like a great wine; a bottle of Sassicaia in cinematographic field. Il suo aforisma sul potere è l’indizio per capire quest’uomo e la cultura politica del suo Paese, ed è anche l’indizio per capire il successo di questo film. E’ un saggio brillante sul potere della cospirazione in un paese in cui essa è diventata una forma d’arte. Il tema della fiducia e dell’inganno è universale, ed è per ciò che il film viaggia bene, come un grande vino; una bottiglia di Sassicaia in ambito cinematografico.

Andreotti himself is a present for a vignettista, with his lightly humpbacked back and his ears folded by bat. In past it was painted like a spider that was weaving a tangled client net above and below it will hold. His enemies have called him a Beelzebub, The Gentleman of the Flies. Strongly Catholic, it is confessed different times in week. Il suoi nemici l’hanno chiamato Belzebù, Il Signore delle Mosche. Fortemente cattolico, si confessa diverse volte a settimana.

It still has admitted of having frequented the life of crime to favour the own political aims, following the beginning according to who “there is necessary of the manure to make growing the trees”. The accusations of being associated by the mafia, that one more brutal than the Sicily of the 70s and ‘80, were cancelled in appeal, or prescribed. Election after election he was managing always to have more than 300.000 preferences in the alone Sicily – and this was possible only maintaining good relations with the “Men of Honour”. Elezione dopo elezione egli riusciva sempre ad avere più di 300.000 preferenze nella sola Sicilia – e questo era possibile soltanto mantenendo buoni rapporti con gli “Uomini d’Onore”.

The paradox evoked brilliantly by the film, is that of a man who, nevertheless possessing a profound faith in the rules of the Catholic Church, could be like that cinicamente not believing towards the Italian state. From this point of view he is very different by his rival's, the high Christian Democrat's Aldo's Moro, killed later 53 giornidi dall imprisonment and Red Brigades in the May of 1978. Even if it is one of the key elements of the film, it is dealt only marginally – I endorse above all through the lens of the personal rivalry inside the Christian Democrat oligarchy. In fact it underlines the strength and the weakness of the Italy during the years of the Cold War. When Moor was kidnapped in the Ides of March 1978, Andreotti did not know what to do. Anche se è uno degli elementi chiave del film, viene trattato solo marginalmente – visto soprattutto attraverso la lente delle rivalità personali all’interno dell’oligarchia democristiana. In realtà sottolinea la forza e la debolezza dell’Italia durante gli anni della Guerra Fredda. Quando Moro fu rapito nelle Idi di marzo 1978, Andreotti non seppe cosa fare.

It was about to receive the trust vow to the guide of a new coalition supported by the communists, who had agreed of refraining in exchange for the bargaining right on the politics and on the programs. This was the result of the “historical Compromise”, an informal pact between the Christian Democracy and the eurocommunist Italian Communist Party (PCI), managed by Enrico Berlinguer. In different manners, Andreotti and Moor had co-operated on the creation of the historical Compromise. Feeling news of the Moor's kidnapping, he was the charismatic Sardinian Enrico Berlinguer to persuade Andreotti to react with decision and to be asked an immediate vow after trust – obtained with an overwhelming majority in both Chambers. In modi diversi, Andreotti e Moro avevano collaborato alla creazione del Compromesso storico. Sentendo la notizia del rapimento di Moro, fu il carismatico sardo Enrico Berlinguer a persuadere Andreotti a reagire con decisione e a chiedere un voto di fiducia immediato – ottenuto con una maggioranza schiacciante in entrambe le Camere.

Berlinguer never appears in the film – and even the involvement of the foreign powers, United States of America and Great Britain particularly, in the Dark case. Questions as the strongly ambiguous list of the foreign negotiators with the kidnappers are, to all that looks, it anchors too much burning to deal. Moor was seen by someone in the United States of America and in Great Britain like the agent who would have let to the communists enter to the power furtively – and someone was so contrary to his release from the Red Brigades as his enemies in Italy. In this game, Andreotti was at least so much a victim as protagonist – for once had the bound hands. Moro veniva visto da alcuni negli Stati Uniti ed in Gran Bretagna come l’agente che avrebbe permesso ai comunisti di entrare al potere furtivamente – ed alcuni erano tanto contrari al suo rilascio da parte delle Brigate Rosse quanto i suoi nemici in Italia. In questo gioco, Andreotti fu almeno tanto vittima quanto protagonista – per una volta ebbe le mani legate.

The paradox of Rome up to at the Unity of Italy in 1871 is that of being a capital divided between two states, the Vatican and the Reign become then Italian Republic. The politicians had used to tell Rome till recently, “we are the tenants, the cardinals are the residents here”. For Andreotti his faith in the Vatican and in the Catholic Church they have been powerful as his scepticism towards the Italian laic state. In the film his single speech to justify the relations with the mafia and the neo-fascist agitators is that it had to find a way to maintain in feet the creaked show of the Italian politics when the so called strategy of the tension was using a series of mortal compromises. Per Andreotti la sua fede nel Vaticano e nella Chiesa Cattolica sono state potenti quanto il suo scetticismo nei confronti dello Stato laico italiano. Nel film il suo unico discorso per giustificare i rapporti con la mafia e gli agitatori neofascisti è che doveva trovare un modo per mantenere in piedi lo spettacolo scricchiolante della politica italiana servendosi di una serie di compromessi mortali, la cosiddetta strategia della tensione.

This auto-justification pronounced directly to the camera at Toni Servillo in a teaching interpretation, seems rather weak for intelligent someone like Andreotti – during his mandates probably it wrote more books about how many Blair and Bush it have read during them. It is as if Don Julio knows of saying only half about the history. His problem is that of the Italy rich in culture, art, thought and imagination, but free of a modern and powerful national fiction. The unification of the Country is still in work course. This is the central theme of the study on the Italy of the Unity of Cristopher Duggan, “The Force of Destiny” (N.d. Ton “The strength of the destiny”), appeared recently in economic edition. In the preface he cites the observation of the statesman Massimo d' Azeglio on the Unity of Italy: "We have done the Italy. Now we must do the Italians”. Il suo problema è quello dell’Italia, ricca di cultura, arte, pensiero e fantasia, ma scevra di una narrativa nazionale moderna e potente. L’unificazione del Paese è ancora in corso d’opera. Questo è il tema centrale dello studio sull’Italia dall’Unità di Cristopher Duggan, “The Force of Destiny” (N.d.T “La forza del destino”), apparso recentemente in edizione economica. Nella prefazione lui cita l’osservazione dello statista Massimo d’Azeglio sull’Unità d’Italia: “Abbiamo fatto l’Italia. Ora dobbiamo fare gli italiani”.

In Italy the loyalty towards the clan, the village, the party, the club or the family is much a superior to that one towards the nation or the state. Then at most it is about a nets net – in whom Julio Andreotti has fought to become the king of the spiders in the centre, the great weaver of the net.
Lo Stato and the antistate in the today Italy have been brilliantly celebrated in the cinema and in the literature. Philip French has noticed recently that “The Star” is the last one in a long line of neorealist films turned by masters which Elio Petri, whose drama on the “strategy of the tension”, “Inquiry on a citizen above each suspicion”, won oscar to the best foreign film in 1970.
The film of Petri, Todo Modo – whose weft is stranamente similarly to the Dark kidnapping two years before this happened – finishes the beat “the truth is not necessarily revolutionary”. This beat might be perfectly of Don Julio. The world de “The Star”, with his revenges, the hand-kissing and the rivalry between the clans is to a step at last epoch of the Montecchi and of the Capuleti of Verona or at the factions wars during the years of the War of Two Roses, in whom the operator is more important than the king. Il mondo de “Il Divo”, con le sue vendette, i baciamano e le rivalità tra i clan è a un passo dall’epoca passata dei Montecchi e dei Capuleti di Verona o dalle guerre di fazioni durante gli anni della Guerra delle Due Rose, in cui il manovratore è più importante del re.
Might this past still to be also the future? The world painted by “The Star” might indicate the new postmodern non-state in whom perhaps we will find ourselves all.



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